Tag Archive | "Muslim"

The Asafia flag of Hyderabad. The script along...

"Free Hyderabad" lives in the hearts and minds of Hyderabadis

The Asafia flag of Hyderabad. The script along...

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This is the unfinished business of 1947–Bharat‘s illegal occupation of Hyderabad state has not been forgotten by the world or the sons and daughters of Hyderabad. Every year the scions of Hyderabad get together in Chicago to remember Hyderabad and struggle for its resurrection. Between 50,000 and 200,000 residents of Hyderabad were killed–all their property looted, and the system of government destroyed within three days of “Operation Polo“.

The Free Hyderabad Times boasts a huge circulation and is widely read by the Hyderabadis–wherever they are. “Never forget” is a term from the pages of history of South Asia. Some think of “India” as some sort of monolith. It is nothing of the kind, Bharat (aka India) was a conglomeration of 560 independent states. It remains a hodge podge of 114 different languages, diverse religions, hundreds of ethnicities and castes who are constantly at each others throats.

At the Osmania University library, things were worse. Bees built barrel-sized hives in convenient niches. Birds nested in the reference room. The library’s most valuable items, old reports of the nizams’ government, were heaped in a basement corner. How long, I wondered, could a country like this hold together? Was it just me being hypersensitive? I soon learned that Indians themselves saw their country as a sinking ship. How many times did I hear, “Only God can help us.” In the Nizam’s Dominions* Bret Wallach. * Revised 2004 but not updated from the version published in Landscape (28:1), 1984, pp. 1-6.

Bharat illegally occupied the 83,000 square miles Hyderabad in 1948–after the British had promised the state an independent status. The Nizam was the richest man on earth and treated his subjects fairly and justly. That is why the resisted the Bharati attempts at amalgamation. The city of Hyderabad rivaled the best and cleanest cities in the world at the time. It had clean straight roads, and no beggers. The state took care of women and orphans. In a grand coallition of Hindus and Muslims, between 50,000 and 100,000 Hyderabadis of all religions laid down their lives to resist the so called ”POlice Action” of mr. V. Patel which was aimed at destroying a country the size of Great Britain with a population of Canada.

A viceroy’s wife who had dined here wrote, “everything was of gold, epergnes, vases, cruets, table cutlery, forks, spoons, even to the covers of the champagne bottles and the crumb scoop.” Sixty years later, the gold noticed by Lady Reading was gone.

The leather chairs were badly split, and the furnishings in other rooms– carpets, drapes, upholstery–were disintegrating. A pantry held a fine old General Electric refrigerator. (Built without electricity, Falaknuma was updated for a visit by King George and Queen Mary.) The library was magnificently wood-paneled but contained nothing except scores of copies of one work, a leather-bound volume from 1898 called Glimpses of the Nizam’s Dominions. A classic mugbook, it was still a valuable record of a vanished society. In the Nizam’s Dominions* Bret Wallach. * Revised 2004 but not updated from the version published in Landscape (28:1), 1984, pp. 1-6.

Bharat not only destroyed the city of Hyderabad–which is now a cesspool of poverty and penury–it also sowed the seeds of its own destruction. Today’s Telangana movement is a resurrection of the desire of the Hyderabadis to live independent of the influences of Delhi. Today Maharashtra wants to chart its own course laid down by the Shiv Sena, Gujarat wants to be the bastion of bigotry under Narendar Modi, Assam and the Seven sisters want their independence, and Kashmir wants “azadi”–freedom from Bharat and freedom to join Pakistan. In this malaise, the shining city on the hill–Hyderabad–has been reduced to rubble. Todays Telangana movement is run by the progeny of those who saw the glory of Hyderabad.

  • History of massacres, illegal occupation, destruction of Hyderabad by India
  • Osman Ali Khan had better reason to distrust the British than he knew, because the British would finally betray Hyderabad.
  • A British prime minister had assured India’s princes that when the British left India the princely states would revert to the status quo ante and regain their independence.
  • A British secretary of state for India had said that the Indian princes were free to join the new India or not.
  • Hyderabad was half the size of France, and its population was greater than Canada’s. The city of Hyderabad had long been called the second city in the Muslim world, after Cairo.
  • “Operation Polo.” The Dominions became the State of Hyderabad.
  • Its boundaries were recast in 1956, when there was a general political reorganization in South India.
  • Hyderabad lost its Marathi speaking west to Bombay, regained the Telugu-speaking Krishna delta, and took the name Andhra Pradesh.
  • Its ministers in 1980, however, were still working in the Nizam’s old secretariat. Its irrigation department was housed in the vast mansion of one of nizam’s high nobles.

The history of the massacres of Muslims has been documented by international scholars.  in a few days cost the lives of one-tenth to one-fifth of the male Muslim population primarily in the countryside and provincial towers”. (Margrit Pernau records in her book The Pa ssing of Patrimonalism page 336, emphasis added, throughout. See review on page 75).

Professor Wilfred Cantwell Smith writes

“Off the battlefield, however, the Muslim community fell before a massive and brutal blow, the devastation of which left those who did survive reeling in bewildered fear. Thousands upon thousands were slaughtered; many hundreds of thousands uprooted . The instrument of their disaster was, of course, vengeance. Particularly in the Marathwara section of the state, and to a less but still terrible extent in most other areas, the story of the days after ‘police action’ is grim. Professor Wilfred Cantwell Smith, a scholar on Islam and a critic of Jinnah’s politics, wrote a seminal article in the periodical The Middle East Journal in 1950 (Volume 4) titled Hyderabad: A Muslim Tragedy. He was Lecturer in Islamic Hist ory at the University of the Punjab and at the Forman Christian College, Lahore (1940-1946) and visited Hyderabad in 1949.

Mr. Noorani, an Indian quotes various authors on the history of Hyderabad.

the book by Communist Party of India (Marxist) leader P. Sundarayya, Telengana People’s Struggle and its Lessons (1972). He wrote of the “untold miseries” that were inflicted on “the ordinary Muslim people” (pages 88-89).

Bret Wallach had written a brilliant story of the Nizam’s dominion. It gives us deep insight into how the bad policies of Bharat not only subjugated a people and lifestyle–it sowed the seeds of its own destruction.

Working in India, I wrote to a friend back home, is like wrestling a king-size mattress up a spiral staircase: the country keeps sticking, one corner after another. Traveling wasn’t the hard part, at least for someone who traveled as a guest of the government . Occasionally I surveyed a deserted railway station in an unfamiliar countryside—the train gone, no other due that day–but a government jeep would always arrive and take me to the rest house or inspection bungalow. Problems arose instead in arranging the travel: this was when a long-distance phone call in India was a form of torture. They arose in getting information, as distinct from being told what people thought you wanted to hear or what you should hear. They arose in the intervals between trips, when what should have been leisure became more exhausting than any amount of bouncing in jeeps between irrigation projects. We had no air conditioning, and the streets were a fine mist of diesel. At home, we couldn’t avoid what soon became the nauseating smell of smoke from coal-fired
locomotives.

We had rented the spacious upper floor of a private house in Hyderabad. The flat came furnished and equipped with a refrigerator–in India a luxury twice as expensive as one in the United States. There was a two-burner gas hot plate, and there were ceiling fans. But the windows did not seal tight, and there were
so many mosquitoes that the high walls sometimes looked as if a pressure cooker had exploded. (We were less than five miles from the laboratory where Ronald Ross at the beginning of the 20th century discovered the link between malaria and the ancestors of those mosquitoes.) Gradually the mosquito population declined, as though the rising heat was too much even for them.

Eventually, a refreshing cold shower, fed directly by the rooftop water tank, was too hot to bear. More and more people were driven to sleeping outdoors or, as with us, on the roof. This was an upper-middle-class neighborhood, and there were walls surrounding each house. Still, a Gurkha watchman patrolled the block at night and reassured his clients by tapping his walking stick as he made his rounds. Women here kept large quantities of gold and precious stones in bedroom cupboards, and everyone knew of people who had been murdered by intruders.

Around midnight, the frequent trains that passed a hundred yards from the house quit for a few hours. They were commuter trains, not freights, and they were pulled by ancient steam engines. At first I loved their sound, but the whistles grew irritating and the drifting clouds of smoke became loathsome.

Both returned at first light, along with the pleasanter sound of the local muezzin. Hyderabad, after all, had been the capital of India’s largest princely state, and the prince—the nizam–had been a Shia Muslim. Indeed, the last Nizam of Hyderabad, before being deposed by the newly independent government of India, had inherited the title of Caliph from the recently deposed Ottoman sultan. One of his sons was married to one of the Turkish sultan’s daughters.

For two hours or so, the house was comfortably cool. I would go downstairs, boil water for the day, and make coffee–too bitter to drink without sugar. This was the ideal time for work, but government offices would not open until after ten. I usually had little choice but to stay indoors until the sun was high and
trucks were rumbling past the front of the house. By the time the offices opened, the flat was so hot and noisy that you had to get out anyway.

Under the Nizams

Many months before arriving in India, I had applied for the fellowship that brought me here to study irrigation. India’s University Grants Commission arranged for me to be affiliated with Hyderabad’s Osmania University, named for Osman Ali Khan, the nizam who had endowed it as a southern equivalent to
the famous Aligarh Muslim University up north.

Osman was the last of Hyderabads seven nizams. (The term translates from the Persian as “regulator.”) The first had broken away from the Delhi-based Moguls and proclaimed the independence of his dominions. The British got a slice of his domain in 1765, when they grabbed the fertile delta of the Krishna River and made it part of what became the Madras Presidency. Unlike some other princes, blinded by pride, the nizams realized that the key to survival was to ally with the British, not resist them. The nizam who stood by the British during the uprising of 1857 was given the title, “Faithful Ally,” and a successor gained the title, “His Exalted Highness.” Titles mattered much in this world, perhaps especially since real power—paramountcy, in the jargon—rested with the British. Even in 1980, 30-odd years after Nehru’s government invaded Hyderabad and put an end to the hollow game, the city’s main shopping streets still had a few stores with silver-on-black signs. They advertised British woollens, Goodyear tires, jewelry, dried fruit–all “by appointment to H.E.H.” The imported goods were permanently out of stock, but the merchants soldiered on.

The boundaries of the nizam’s dominions no longer exist in the reorganized political geography of India, but they had encompassed 83,000 square miles. That’s almost as big as Great Britain, and the land revenues from 2,000 villages were assigned to the nizams personally as their jagirs. A small circle of Muslim nobles, hardly more than a hundred families, grew fat as jagirdars receiving the taxes collected from nearly 7,000 others. Facts like these explain why in his autobiography Nehru describes Hyderabad as “an almost perfect feudal relic.”

More than 90% of the nizam’s 13,000,000 subjects were [...] Telugu speaking [...]. Not that the elite had much need of Telugu: typically, they visited their villages once every five years and left management to overseers. One elderly survivor of the elite told me that even as a man of 40 he had only once been to the villages that supplied his father’s income; visiting was considered improper, he said.

With their unearned income, the Hyderabad elite built huge Victorian palaces, ornate yet crude: steel I-beams, for example, were permanently exposed in concrete ceilings. The palaces were filled with European furniture, English tweeds, and London magazines.

Protected as they were by the British, the nizams were still always resentful. Out of loyalty or mere prudence, few Hyderabad nobles dared to fraternize with the state’s British residents. The resident himself–the official appointed to represent the Crown in its dealings with the nizam–lived in the immense, porticoed Residency, its steps flanked by lions and its private spaces protected perhaps more functionally by heavy bars and gates. The building was now a girls’ school.

Osman Ali Khan had better reason to distrust the British than he knew, because the British would finally betray Hyderabad. A British prime minister had assured India’s princes that when the British left India the princely states would revert to the status quo ante and regain their independence. A British secretary of state for India had said that the Indian princes were free to join the new India or not. Many princely states were so small, and the terms India proposed for union were so generous that their leaders did not seriously consider independence. But the state of Hyderabad was half the size of France, and its population was greater than Canada’s. The city of Hyderabad had long been called the second city in the Muslim world, after Cairo.

Something very like state visits were made by Arabia’s King Saud and Iran’s young shah. Osman Ali Khan held out for independence.

A radical Muslim movement gave the government of India the opportunity it was looking for. For the Indian Army, the conquest of Hyderabad was almost a picnic; the three-day war was coded “Operation Polo.” The Dominions became the State of Hyderabad. Its boundaries were recast in 1956, when there was a general political reorganization in South India. Hyderabad lost its Marathispeaking west to Bombay, regained the Telugu-speaking Krishna delta, and took the name Andhra Pradesh. Its ministers in 1980, however, were still working in the nizam’s old secretariat. Its irrigation department was housed in the vast mansion of one of nizam’s high nobles.

In the Streets
Once a model of Indian urban planning, Hyderabad has swollen by 1980 to more than 2,000,000, perhaps a fifth of them living in makeshift huts, often no larger than a pup tent. I was disoriented for some weeks, because getting decent maps of the city was amazingly difficult, but I got a ride to Char Minar, the “four towers” associated with Hyderabad the way the Eiffel Tower is with Paris. Char Minar had been built late in the 17th century by Hyderabad’s founder, a king of the pre-nizamic Asif Jah dynasty. It looked like Siamese quadruplets, with four towers joined at the waist by several elevated floors, including a mosque. Above the waist rose the minarets proper. I was less impressed by them than by the terrific congestion of rickshas, pedaled and motorized, that clogged the surrounding streets. They were crowded also with pedestrians–mostly women and mostly hidden in burkas. Many were here to buy bangles, for there’s a whole street of bangle merchants catering to them.

Whatever banglous flamboyance lay under the burkhas remained forever hidden from me.

This was the old city: heavily Muslim and a confusing warren of boarded-up palaces and much simpler homes and businesses. The newer sections of the city were to the north, across the Musi River, but there were not much less chaotic. The city lacked the grand avenues of Calcutta and Bombay, Madras and New Delhi. As a result, Hyderabad’s streets were especially crowded.

People filled the plazas outside the cinema palaces. Hindu marriage processions passed by, with musicians teasing western instruments into quarter tones unknown to Mozart. Exposed corpses were carried on litters to burning grounds. Now and then, elephants padded by, so quietly that at a market I turned with an eggplant in hand and gasped to see a dark and silently moving pillar sweep past.

Auto-ricksha drivers, basically with motor scooters converted to tricycles, liked to discuss their tip in advance. After sometimes heated negotiations we would jar our way through Vidyanagar, Nallakunta, Narayanguda, Himayatnagar. That was the mosaic of the city: no street names, no addresses, just chunks of turf–each with a name. We’d pass the chicken market, with baskets of live birds.

Here was a grocery store with soft drinks and bins of assorted cookies and crackers. It had canned fruit that was not much good, terrible jam, soap, toothpaste, and eggs. Sugar, rice, and salt were sold in bulk in another place.

Here was a pharmacy with a wide assortment of pills for stomach troubles– bacterial or amoebic–and surprises like valium, made in Bombay and sold very inexpensively over the counter. Here was an appliance store, with air coolers stuffed with evaporative straw in a metal shell. The store also sold Calcuttamade
radios of a quality that would have been laughably disastrous in the United States. It had air conditioners, too, but they were five times as expensive as those in the United States, and so their quality remained an
unknown to us. We bounced past a beer and wine shop. It had only domestic products, mostly beer–cold and in large bottles. Along with the water from green coconuts, that beer could be a lifesaver.

At Nallakunta we crossed a stream fetid from unsewered settlements along its banks; the stench of the black water carried a mile. Still, boys led herds of dairy buffalo to the water and jumped in to scrub the animals. Somehow, pasteurized milk was delivered each morning in plastic pouches. Did the animals producing it eat proper fodder? Perhaps. But Hyderabad had no garbage collection, no dump. Our household wastes were simply discarded.

Scavengers sifted for glass, metal, and paper. The rest of the garbage was eaten by stray chickens, goats, and black pigs. The dairy buffalo likely got a share.

At dawn each morning the cry came from minarets scattered over the city. How did Hindus react, I wondered, to a sign in the Muslim quarter that read:

“Prince Beef Shop”? On days hot enough for Arabia, men wearing long wool coats and lambskin caps walked through these streets. Every day an Indian Airlines airbus left for Bombay with luggage labeled for Bahrain and Kuwait.

Veiled mothers sat next to husbands puffing cigarettes. What was inside the briefcases the men kept on their laps? The bazaars of Hyderabad were famous for jewelry. Sitting on carpets and drinking milky tea, customers watched as merchants opened envelopes full of pearls fresh from the Gulf.

Relics
Despite this wealth, a sense of ruin hung over the city. Most of the palaces in the city had been leveled or gutted; the nizam’s had been taken for taxes and half-converted to hospitals. Floorings had been ripped up, furnishings and mahogany doors sold. Palace grounds that once held the private garden of a wife of the sixth nizam now were barren. A surviving inscription read, “This well was dug and faced by Major James Achilles Kirkpatrick, Hushmat Jung, Vakil of the British Government, the Honorable English Company Bahadur, for quenching the thirst of passengers and watering the fruit garden and deer paddock, 1804 A.D.,1219 A.H.” The well itself was not to be found.

Old guidebooks referred to Hyderabad’s grandest palace, Falaknuma, or the “mirror of heaven.” Photographs taken around 1900 showed viceroys and foreign dignitaries. I went to take a look.

I got off the local commuter train, walked half a mile through a flatland slum, then climbed the wrong side of a granite hill to Falaknuma’s high wall. There was, of course, a road to the palace, but it led to a wrought-iron gate taller than any I had ever seen in America. A group of women went through a side gate. They gave me a sharp look before slamming it behind them. With the nerve of the newcomer and the naïve swagger of an American abroad, I climbed the wall and with a bit of scrambling and scratching dropped inside to look around. I didn’t dare to go inside, but even the outside conveyed the extravagance of the old order.

Months later I got a legitimate tour of the palace, which was still the private property of the eighth nizam, who divided his time between England and a sheep station in Australia. I was taken to the dining room. A viceroy’s wife who had dined here wrote, “everything was of gold, epergnes, vases, cruets, table cutlery, forks, spoons, even to the covers of the champagne bottles and the crumb scoop.” Sixty years later, the gold noticed by Lady Reading was gone.

The leather chairs were badly split, and the furnishings in other rooms– carpets, drapes, upholstery–were disintegrating. A pantry held a fine old General Electric refrigerator. (Built without electricity, Falaknuma was
updated for a visit by King George and Queen Mary.) The library was magnificently wood-paneled but contained nothing except scores of copies of one work, a leather-bound volume from 1898 called Glimpses of the Nizam’s Dominions. A classic mugbook, it was still a valuable record of a vanished society.

The pride of the survivors was still enormous. One man had a cupboard with 40 dusty pairs of fine British shoes unworn in decades. Most of his house was now a box factory, but the walls of the few rooms he used were covered with photographs of his family, often with the nizam. A photograph from 1935 showed the man resting his foot on the running board of his new Buick.

Another, taken when he was a boy, shows him sitting on his father’s lap. His father has a handlebar moustache, tweed hunting jacket, and fine leather boots. The man owned no automobiles now. He scarcely left his house and its tiny garden courtyard.

A cousin who had left India in 1949 and transferred from the nizam’s government to UNESCO had now retired to Hyderabad. I gave him a list and he found his father’s name in the expropriation order published in 1949. “There, that’s him,” he said. If he did not remember the 113 villages that provided his father’s income, at least he remembered the enormous palace of his childhood, a palace so large that it now housed major parts of several departments of the Andhra Pradesh government. The man was determined to check the ravaging of the city he loved. Groups were being formed, he said, to make Hyderabadis aware of their heritage before it was too late, before everything had been replaced by slovenly modern buildings. His wife was still smarting from a beggar’s rebuke a few days earlier. The man reminded her of the times when her father-in-law drove through the streets and directed her husband to toss handfuls of coins into the crowd.

At a garden party on the other side of the city, a distinguished Muslim member of parliament spent an evening excoriating America and pointing out how well the Soviet Union has served India. Socialist passion was in the air, but as he left the party this man went over to his hostess and said graciously that her
hospitality reminded him of the old days.

Lessons

I often went to the office where Andhra Pradesh district gazetteers are compiled. Squirreled away next to a mosque and almost hidden behind a garden courtyard now abandoned to dirt, the office had been a private house.

Now a dozen men worked in a few small rooms. In the library, cupboards were jammed with old books gathered from around the state. The collection had many scarce items, and the librarian was happy to provide me with whatever I wanted. Still, the sight of his clerk rummaging through the cupboards in search
of my requests, which often fell apart when found, grew depressingly symbolic.

At the Osmania University library, things were worse. Bees built barrel-sized hives in convenient niches. Birds nested in the reference room. The library’s most valuable items, old reports of the nizams’ government, were heaped in a basement corner. How long, I wondered, could a country like this hold together? Was it just me being hypersensitive? I soon learned that Indians themselves saw their country as a sinking ship. How many times did I hear, “Only God can help us.”

Foolishly, but with innumerable predecessors, I stormed up to a bank manager and told him his procedures were insane. He smiled warmly and agreed. The chief cashier handed over a brick of 100,000 rupees to a man who strode outside with the bills in his hand like a loaf of bread. Odd, how what is dangerous in one country is safe in another.

The cashier asked me how I found India and smiled when I told him that I liked and hated it. For some reason my few thousand rupees did not come. A guard stood at attention with a veritable elephant gun at his side. Tea was served.

The cashier took the time to explain that leprosy, common in Hyderabad, is nothing to worry about: “We are all victims; we all take care of ourselves.” I snapped at the bait and retorted, “Does God want parents to cut off their son’s hands and feet so the boy can earn money painting with a brush held in his teeth?” The cashier smiled and tried to help me see that there was no need to be upset: this was karma at work. Why, then, was Mrs. Gandhi working to alleviated poverty? The cashier’s ready answer: this was her karma. Ten,
twenty minutes later, the money came. Had the delay been necessary? Had it been the cashier’s vehicle for instruction? I was between laughing and pounding the desk. The cashier knew it. It was part of the lesson.

Late one night I arrived at Hyderabad so tired that I forgot a package on the overhead rack of the bus. At dawn I returned to the bus station. The station was big, with perhaps 50 buses waiting at any one time. The dispatcher directed me to the drivers’ hostel, a room furnished with nothing except 60 three-tier bunks. The floor was concrete; the windows were barred. Even at that hour the room was extremely warm. Small groups of drivers were talking.

The conductor’s bunk was pointed out to me. The package was sitting on his pillow. He returned in a few minutes and recognized me. I thanked him and offered five rupees. He declined twice; the third time he took it. Cynics will say his performance was orchestrated, but I saw his face and still think that he
was reluctant to see duty specially rewarded.

Later I looked out the window of a stopped railway coach one morning at dawn.

Two women walked along an adjacent track slimy with filth. One of them hunted fragments of coal; the other was after tiny scraps of paper. The crowd of pedestrians and a line of hissing steam locomotives did not wake a figure sleeping on the platform. At length the sleeper was roused. He took out a small square cloth bag with a shoulder strap, smoothed it, took up his shroud, folded it like a flag from a military funeral, and tucked it neatly into the bag. He put the bag over his shoulder, brushed his hair with his hands, and walked off like a commuter from the last train.

Scenes like these stick with you. One goes to India, after all, knowing that the country’s poverty is bottomless and that charity is quixotic. One sees the decay and perhaps perceives the fear that is so fundamental to the country’s fumbling desperation and outright corruption. What comes as a surprise is the speed with which you adjust to these conditions. What comes as a surprise is the difficulty you have in forgetting the country when you have gone home. What comes as a surprise is that there is so much dignity among people with so little else.

In the Nizam’s Dominions* Bret Wallach. * Revised 2004 but not updated from the version published in Landscape (28:1), 1984, pp. 1-6.

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Muhammed

Asia BB caught between Silly Mullahs and Secular Fascists

Muhammed's name (????) with Salat phrase (??? ...

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This poor lady is unfortunate in the sense that her case has been caught in the fight between two classes of ignorant bigots. On one side we have ignorant silly Mullahs while on the other side are secular fascists. Mullahs are clearly aloof to the true understanding of the teachings of our beloved Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him). In this particular case, for example, the lady admitted that she made a mistake while she was in an emotional state after she was abused by a few Muslims ladies. But she has apologized to every one for her mistake.

We can imagine what the Prophet (PBUH) would do had he been alive during this time. Remember, our Prophet (PBUH) was very kind and forgiving. He (PBUH) never had a personal grudge against any one – not even against the people who abused and tortured him for long or even tried to kill him (PBUH). His mission was not to punish people but rather his every effort was aimed at only one thing, and that was to save every human being from the hell-fire. I am sure that he (peace be upon him) would have given a pardon to this lady too. There are many narrations about the incidents when persons came and tried to abuse the Prophet (PBUH) in front of every one present. In some cases, the companions (may Allah be pleased with them) advanced to punish the offender but the Prophet (PBUH) stopped them from doing any harm. Many people got impressed by the kindness of our Prophet (PBUH) and became Muslim. That is the true spirit of Islam.

The members of other mafia, the liberal fascists, are trying to use this case to abolish the blasphemy law in Pakistan. These silly liberals think the problem is the law itself and that is far from the logic and reality. Any valid law is aimed at dealing a certain situation in which one party is aggrieved. The law is meant to provide justice by penalizing/punishing the offending party. If no law exists to discipline the society then the crime breeds itself and anarchy spreads. If the blasphemy law, for example, did not exist or is annulled now, people would start revenging against real or perceived offenders of committing blasphemy. That situation is not acceptable at all to any law abiding society. It is much better to prosecute any accused in the court of law and brought to justice (that may include acquittal too). The most important thing to do is to ensure that the blasphemy law is not abused. The persons responsible for the false charges must be punished severely. If only a few Mullahs who are making a fuss out of this very serious legal issue could be prosecuted and punished adequately, that will be very reassure to the respected members of our minorities that the justice is for every one. Faisal Nazir. pakbird47@yahoo.com. Submitted on 2010/11/24 at 11:40 pm

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Narendra Modi in Press Conference

Gujarat Genocide remembered; When will 400,000 Muslims be allowed back?

Things are not good in Gujarat and its capital of commerce Ahmedabad and Banglore. A few years ago Narendra Modi orchestrated a vile pogrom of bigotry against the Muslims.

Narendra Modi in Press Conference

Modi was Chief Minister of Gujarat and directed the massacres

More than 3000 Muslims were systematically targeted and massacred. More than 400,000 were thrown out the state. They still yearn to return to their villages. Mr. Modi’s henchmen refuse to allow them to return to the homes and property–under threat of death.

A policeman walks past a dead Muslim stabbed in Khanpur slums of Ahmadabad India Wendesday April 24 2002

Genocide in Gujarat: A policeman walks past a dead Muslim stabbed in Khanpur slums of Ahmadabad India Wendesday April 24 2002

India Pan Hindu flag of Bharat

Hinduvta: India Pan Hindu flag of Bharat

A few months ago Tehelka.com published a taped conversation for Mr. Modi directing his followers to continue the carnage.

The Gujarat pogram did not happen in isolation it was funded by US Hunduvata as identified by Bijjou Mathew

Hindu safron flag with Modi and Jindal: The Gujarat pogram did not happen in isolation it was funded by US Hunduvata as identified by Bijjou Mathew

Is India a Failed State? The chimera and the facts of slick marketing schemes by “India Inc.”

Blasts in AhmedabadGov. Bobby Jindal (R) funded by Anti-Semitic terrorists!

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Modi's Gujarat women raped and left naked in Gujarat

Modi's Gujarat women raped and left naked in Gujarat

2008: Hindu fundamentalism on the rise in “India” funded by US Gujeratis.

Poor Muslim womn raped and burned in pre-planned genocidal violence against Muslims, Dalits and minorites in Gujarat. The Coalition Against Genicide believes that Gujarat is a test case lab to be repeated in other parts of India. The low intensity bombs may be a signal to unleash anit-Muslim riots like the ones that were unleashed against the Sikhs after the death of Mrs. Indira Gandhi

Gujarat pogram run by Mr. Narendra Modi: Poor Muslim womn raped and burned in pre-planned genocidal violence against Muslims, Dalits and minorites in Gujarat. The Coalition Against Genicide believes that Gujarat is a test case lab to be repeated in other parts of India. The low intensity bombs may be a signal to unleash anit-Muslim riots like the ones that were unleashed against the Sikhs after the death of Mrs. Indira Gandhi

The triamphalist India media catering to Indian elite routinely will begin blaming Pakistan for anything wrong with the Indian union–however there are many suspects in the case. Banglore Billet: Indian Muslims And The Media By Nigar Ataulla

The charred bodies of Muslim after the Hindus attacked, murdered and burned them in Gujarat in 2002. The fate of Mulsims in India

The charred bodies of Muslim after the Hindus attacked, murdered and burned them in Gujarat in 2002. The fate of Mulsims in India

  • India as World Power 1
  • Superpower India Pt 2
  • India’s budget– fit for a superpower
  • Murder of 10 million Indian girl babies:Before or right after birth. The media is silent.
  • India Balkanizing? Naxalite insurrection widening cracks in deep cavaties
  • The instigator of the pogram against Muslims and Dlaits

    Modi: The instigator of the pogram against Muslims and Dlaits

    The Indian National Congress recently bribed many members of the BJP and about ten of them defected–destroying the chance of Ms. Mayawati from becoming the next prime minister–the first Dlait in the history of mankind to get to that position.

    The Naxalite are in open revolt against the Indian government and control about 40% of the Indian territory. The Northeastest states are in open rebellion. India has huge issues with the Tamils and in Sri Lanka. The animosity between India and Bangladesh is at fever pitch with India trying to railroad a transit agreement over the wishes of the Bangladeshis. India aslo has problems with Sikkim and Bhutan who do not want to join the Indian Union. There are separatists in Arunchal Pradesh and Tiamil Nadu and Mizoram. Of course the insurrection in Kashmir is ongoing.

    More

    India map: Naxalite Maoist insurgency map of India map : More than 89 insurgencies rage in India

    WIth Indian involvement in Afghanistan India now has new Pasktun enemies that want India to withdraw its 4000 troops in Afghanistan.

    Banglore Afghan Blowback blasts broadcast breakup of Bharat?

    Banglore Bombs: Blowback from Kabul–Pakhtuns to India: Get out of Afghanistan

    | NEW YORK | RUPEE NEWS | July 25th, 2008 | Moin Ansari | The earthquake had already hit the service sector in Madras. The explosions in the heart of India’s $50 Billion IT industry has reverberations beyond the “Computer coolies” who many the Call Centers. While China offers stability and has begun bundling Chinese IT services with its products, the Bangalore is now rocked by real bombs–a result of India’s failed foreign policy that seeks hegemony with all her neighbors. Pakistan, Nepal, China, and Bangaladesh are RAW’s enemies

    Blasts in Ahmedabad
    (Pic courtesy: Times Now)
    AHMEDABAD: Close on the heels of Bangalore serial blasts, six blasts rocked Ahmedabad on Saturday evening. (Watch)

    All the explosion were low intensity blasts. At least twenty people have been injured in the blasts, they have been taken to Maninagar hospital. The Prime Minister has condemned the Ahmedabad blasts and appealed for calm.

    The first explosion took place in Maninagar, which happens to be Chief Minister Narendra Modi’s constituency. The second blast happened in the Sardar Patel Diamond market. The third and fourth blasts took place in Saranpur Bridge and Isanpur. While the first bomb was reportedly planted in a cycle, the other bombs were hidden in tiffin boxes, according to police sources. There were other blasts in Bapu Nagar and Raipur.

    Indian Hinduvata- Hindu extremism in India and beyond

    Indian Hinduvata- Hindu extremism in India and beyond

    maoist-insurrection-india.jpgThe real failed state is “India”NaxalitesINTERNAL “INDIAN” CAVITIES: The Naxalites have a force of approximately 15,000 cadres spread across 160 districts in the states of Orissa, Chattisgarh, Jharkhand, Andhra Pradesh, Bihar, Maharashtra, Karnataka and West Bengal. They operate primarily in the lawless, dense forested areas of India’s interior, with some estimates saying Naxalites control approximately 10.03 million hectares (about 25 million acres) of forests nationwide. They also have an active campaign to recruit students and other youths to help spread their left-wing extremism into India’s towns and cities. Thus far, however, the Naxalites have not demonstrated the ability to operate in urban areas.

    The three major threats to India are listed in all Indian security briefings

    Second, the Northeast if not addressed appropriately could unhook from the Union before the Valley given the acute vulnerability of the Siliguri Corridor, which is merely 10 to 20 kilometer wide and 200 kilometers long. If this critical corridor is choked or subverted or severed by force, the Union of India will have to maintain the Northeast by air. With poor quality of governance for which the country is infamous, the local population may gravitate towards other regional powers.

    Pornywood and India Inc. cannot hide the truth about a failed state

    The congomleration of statesThe real failed state is “India”InsurrectionNaxalites

    89 insurgencies raging all over “India”

    • KashmirOccupied KashmirOccupied Kashmir
    • Kashmir: 100,000 civilians killed
    • White Widows: 50, million women ostracized from society and incarcerated in temples

    Hindu atrocities against widows.

    • East Punjab: Brutal suppression of Punjabi insurrection. Thousands killed
    • Tamil Nadu and Mizuram are in flames seeking independence
    • Tamil insurrection in Sri Lanka led by Tamils Terrorists in India
    • Bihar: Major suppression of Biharis and problems with Bangladesh
    • West Bengal in Communist hands fueling Naxalites.
    • Gujrat: Serious Hindu Muslim riots perpetuated by Mr. Moodi. 3000 burned.
    • 200 -300 million Untouchables have little or no rights
    • 150 million Muslims are at the lowest rung of the ladder:
    • This was the Muslim Albanian flag
    • India the only island of penury in Asia keeps the Subcontinent poor
    • India has had wars with all her neighbors
    • India has lowest per capita GNP in the Subcontinent
    • Indian poor are poorer than Sub Saharan Africa
    • dalits-in-india-4.jpg
    • More than 200 districts in the hands of the Naxalites

    • Cracks showing in IndiaNaxalite insurrection
    • More than 560 states were forced into the union they did not want to be part of
    • French Indian EmpireThe British Empire does not even show half of PakistanMany states included. Posessions of the Dutch empire in the Subcontinent
    • Tamil Nadu and Mizuram secessionist movement are live and hot

    Future Indiadalits-in-india-3.jpg

    INDIA AS A FAILED STATE: India is a failed state for failing to provide food shelter and clothing for her citizens. India has bloody borders. India has had wars with all her neighbors. By harping on the “failed state” mantra the bigoted Indian commentariat wants to surround “Akhand Bharat” with small Balkanized mini-states like Sikkim, Bhutan, Sri Lanka. Any hegemonous power achieves its goal in the region by sabotaging the integrity and sovereignty of the neighbors. India wants to surround itself with a “Warsaw pact” type of string of obsequies and subservient states. Pakistan is big hurdle in India’s hegemonistic policy of Westward expansion. Since the West never faced “India” in combat, they are unaware of the (South) Indian agression that was encountered by Southeast Asia (Laos, Cambodia, and even Indonesia). China and Pakistan working together have arrested the advance of the sepoys of Delhi.

    250 million Dalits in India eek out a living in subhuman conditionsdalits-in-india-3.jpgUNTOUCHABLE DALITS EEK OUT A SUB HUMAN LIVING IN INDIA:Between 150 to 250 million Dalits or Untouchables live in utter sub-human conditions. A population as large as the United States lives in conditions that are below and worse off than that of Sub Saharan Africa. The dalit websites shed some light on the plight of the Dalits.

  • Anatomy of Indian Intelligence Services and Alliances
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  • Noticias de Rupia | Nouvelles de Roupie | Rupiennachrichten | ??????? ????? | ???? | Roepienieuws | Rupi Nyheter | ??????? | Notizie di Rupia | PAKISTAN LEDGER | ???????? ????? | DefensebriefsIntellibriefs Translate this page on to one of these languages: Page copy protected against web site content infringement by Copyscape Bookmark and Share Add to Technorati Subscribe to our RSS feed: | RUPEE NEWS | July 26th, 2008 |  ???? ??????? | ????? ????? | Save/SharePost to MySpace!

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    Medieval Christian views on Muhammad

    Our Sister Asia Bibi must be protected

    Medieval Christian views on Muhammad

    Image via Wikipedia

    By: Ahmed Qureshi

    … and we Pakistanis need to stand by her. I endorse capital punishment for those who bash Islam and its sacred symbols. And no one bashes Islam in Pakistan. Certainly not our Pakistani Christian brothers and sisters whose forefathers played a great role in Pakistan Independence Movement.

    We own and defend our great religion and our great Prophet. But harassing a poor Pakistani Christian woman in the name of blasphemy is not justice. The great, fair-minded leaders of Islam, like Omar and Ali, would never endorse this. Shame on these half-educated mullahs who can’t offer a word of support to a weak and poor woman being wrongly accused of blasphemy.

    Would anyone dare utter a word against our great religion in our country, let alone a poor and weak woman who earns a living as a domestic helper?

    We need Omar R.A.’s and Ali R.A.’s justice in this case. And we Pakistani Muslims must force half-educated clergy in groups such as Sunni Tehreek [I have more respect for Jamaat Islami and Tanzeem Islami] to stop making uneducated comments in this case. We are no good if we can’t protect the weak and the wrongly accused among us. Unfortunately, because of the inflammatory statements by the uneducated, a minority of westernized and secular-minded NGOs, funded by foreign money, are seizing this opportunity to bash Pakistan and Islam. PPPP Senator Sherry Rehman wants to abolish the blasphemy law. That’s fine. But she never uttered a word against the injustice done to Dr. Aafia Siddiqui? No comparison between her case and that of Asia’s. The point is that the few westernized and secularist Pakistanis will try to seize this case to bash Pakistan and our great religion. Asia needs our help against a stupid law and a fake case. But the champions of her case must be Muslim scholars first and foremost, and if not then all the rest of Pakistanis who know how great and tolerant and open-minded Islam is even if these half-educated mullahs know nothing about it.

    Blasphemy law was originally enacted against a sect, Qadiyanis, who claimed Mohammad, peace be upon him, is not the last Prophet. Ordinary good-hearted Pakistanis are misled by the mullahs into believing this law is somehow a hedge against Islam-bashers in the West, such as the people behind the infamous Danish cartoons. That’s not true. Our laws can’t be implemented on those outside Pakistan. And no one inside Pakistan can dare insult Islam. Case closed.

    We will never be secular. We are modern, and we are Muslim and Islam has always been a big-hearted religion. This is our opportunity to prove otherwise to others in the world who heard the ignorant statements of a few mullahs in this case. These mullahs need to be told to shut up. We defend our religion. And we do this by not tolerating a word against our religion and by defending the innocent and the wrongly accused.

    P.S. I tell the few mullahs who exploit this case: Honor Pakistani Christians. Remember that they sided with Pakistan when even some Muslim leaders were sitting in the laps of the Brits and Indians. Also remember that one of the wives of our Prophet, the Umm al-Momineen, Maria, was Christian. She became Muslim after marrying our Prophet. Her name was Christian but out of respect for her, our Prophet didn’t let her change her name and insisted she keep her original Christian name. Also remember when the Great Omar R.A. conquered Jerusalem, Al-Quds, he refused to pray in a church because he was afraid Muslims might seize it later and convert it into a mosque. Thanks to him, that church stands today side by side with a mosque that was built on a ground near the church where Omar prayed in the open. Asia is our sister. If Omar R.A. was here today, he would have given her justice no matter what some half-educated mullahs of ‘sunni tehreek’ or whatever this group is named might have said.. Asia Bibi Is Our Sister

    Last Updated on Tuesday, 23 November 2010 22:08
    Tuesday, 23 November 2010 21:42

    Posted in Current AffairsComments (28)

    Masjid Kampung Hulu, Malacca.

    Short History of Islam in Indonesia

    Masjid Kampung Hulu, Malacca.

    Masjid Kampung Hulu, Malacca. Wikipedia

    In the year of 30 Hijriyah or 651 Christian, just around 20 years after Rasulullah SAW passed away, the khalifah Uthman ibn Affan RA sent the delegation to China introducing Islam’s Daulah.

    On the way of 4 years, the messangers of Uthman apparently stopped in Indonesian archipelago. This was the first time Indonesian people introduced Islam. Since, the moslem seaman and merchants kept coming for centuries. They bought agricultural produce from this green country while religious proselytizing.

    Gradually, the indigene started to embrace Islam even though not an a large scale. Aceh, the most west region in Indonesia archipelago was the first region receiving Islam. Moreover, in Aceh, the first Islam kingdom was standing, Pasai. Marcopolo said that on the time his stop in Pasai in 692 H/1292 C, many Arabic people had disseminated Islam. So Ibnu Battutha, moslem wanderer from Marocco which when he was stopping in Aceh in 746 H/1345 C, wrote that in Aceh had disseminated Syafi’i mazhab. Now the oldest inheritance from the moslem was found in Gresik, East Java, that was the Islam funeral complex. One of them was a muslimah grave, called Fathima binti Maimun. In her grave was written numeral of year 475 H/1082 C, meant long ago before Majapahit, greatest Hindu’s Empire in Indonesia.

    Read glimpses of World history by Jawaharlal Nehru—for a listing of Brahman imperialism in Southeast Asia.

    Sri Vijaya, based at Palembang in southern Sumatra, reached through Java to the east and to the area of Bangkok (before it existed) in Thailand to the north. It was a Buddhist empire born in 670 A.D. and lasting until 1365. During this period, Buddhist culture and thought spread throughout the archipelagic region, influencing social order, commerce, and art.

    Irregardless of what they teach some temples–Indonesia was Buddhist–and marauding hordes of Brahmans invaded, Laos, Cambodia, Vietnam and Indonesia and tried to exterminate Buddhism in the lands. the brutal Madjapahit Hindu empire with a capital in eastern Java originated about 1100 with help from the colonialists from South Bharat. It continued its brutalities ’till 1500. Hinduism was reversed in all the countries, and it kept its hold in Bali–the last island which is a reminder of Hindu imperialism in Southeast Asia.

    Malacca was the first major Islamic state in the region–located in what is Malaysia today–originating in 1400 and remaining powerful until defeated by a major Portuguese naval force in 1511. In the period of Pasisir culture authors were very active in writing books on all subjects belonging to the sphere of Muslim Javanese civilization.

    The three centres of Pasisir literature in Java were Surabaya (with Gresik), Demak (with Japara) and Cérbon (with Banten). East Javanese Pasisir texts came first, for in East Java Muslim religious influence first became an important element in civilization. Starting from Java, Islamic Pasisir culture spread to some other islands of which the coasts are washed by the Java sea. The most important outlying cultural provinces were Lombok and Palémbang. In the island of Lombok a remarkable Islamic Javano-Balinese literature came into existence. The texts contain reminiscences of indigenous Sasak culture. The native Sasak language developed into a medium of literary activity side by side with the Javano-Balinese idiom.

    The important oversea expansions of Javanese Pasisir literature, both eastwards and westwards, started from East Java. Minor expansions, of Javanese Pasisir culture took their course from Banten and from Central Javanese maritime towns. The districts affected by them, Lampung in South Sumatra by Banten, and Bañjar Masin in Borneo by Central Java, did not produce Javanese literary texts of any importance, however.

    In, Javanese Pasisir literature, the influence of Islamic culture was strong. Islam first reached Java by the intermediary of Malay literature, Malay being the medium of the interinsular commerce which brought Muslim traders from India to the Archipelago. Asa result, Pasisir literature contains borrowings, from Malay and from Arabic, the sacred language of Islam, but also, from other continental languages, in the first place Persian, which was the universal Islamic medium in India in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries.

    A number of significant early mosques survive, particularly along the north coast of Java. These include the Mesjid Agung in Demak, built in 1474, and the Menara Kudus Mosque in Kudus (1549) whose minaret is thought to be the watch tower of an earlier Hindu temple. Javanese mosque styles in turn influenced the architectural styles of mosques among its neighbors, among other the mosques in Kalimantan, Sumatra, Maluku, and also neighboring Malaysia, Brunei and the southern Philippines. Sultan Suriansyah Mosque in Banjarmasin and Kampung Hulu Mosque in Malacca for example displaying Javanese influence.

    In 19th century, the sultanates of Indonesian archipelago began to merge Islamic architecture with Javanese style already popular in the archipelago. The Indo-Islamic and Moorish style are particularly favoured by Aceh Sultanate and Deli Sultanate, as displayed in Banda Aceh Baiturrahman Grand Mosque built in 1881, and Medan Grand Mosque built in 1906. Particularly during the decades since Indonesian independence, mosques have tended to be built in styles more consistent with global Islamic styles, which mirrors the practice of Islam.

    Posted in Current AffairsComments (0)

    The Bill of Rights, the first ten amendments t...

    US Contitution reigns. OK bigotry being stamped out

    The Bill of Rights, the first ten amendments t...
    The Bill of Rights of the US Constitution allows freedom of religion, even in OK. Bigotry against minorities is rampant in Oklahoma Wikipedia

    Oklahoma voters overwhelmingly passed an amendment to their state constitution prohibiting state courts from considering international or Islamic law, also known as Sharia, when deciding cases.

    But on Monday, U.S. District Judge Vicki Miles-LaGrange issued a temporary restraining preventing the state’s election board from certifying the results of the vote.

    According to the Associated Press, the measure’s sponsor, Rep. Rex Duncan, said the amendment was not an attack on Muslims but an effort to prevent activist judges from relying on international law or Islamic law in deciding cases.

    But Muneer Awad, executive director of the Council on American-Islamic Relations in Oklahoma and filer of the lawsuit before Miles-LaGrange, said the measure transforms the state constitution into “an enduring condemnation” of Islam.

    About 20,000 to 30,000 Muslims live in the state, according to the AP.

    Is Oklahoma out of line with such an amendment or is the federal judge erring by delaying, for now, its implementation? And, briefly, why?

    MOHAMED ELIBIARY, President & CEO, Freedom and Justice Foundation

    Reports now show that a dozen states are looking at similar legislation to Oklahoma’s Rep. Duncan. Some will view that as proof that the anti-Sharia movement is mainstream, or why would 70% of voters support it? I will concede that it is mainstream, especially in conservative states; but I would respectfully diagnose it as a crisis among Christian Americans and not a Muslim problem. The number of Muslims in Oklahoma or around the country is not driving this, because in the 230-year plus history of documented Muslim settlement in America not a single Muslim, much less a group, has ever advocated for changing the Constitution.

    Putting this development in historical context would show us that we had 11 states during the civil rights movement that passed legislation banning the NAACP as subversive. More than a century ago we had the zenith of an anti-Catholicism movement called the ‘know nothings” that similarly passed ordinances targeting non-Protestantism. These movements of the past were all rolled back with time and with the upholding of the 1st Amendment‘s establishment clause that there is no class-ism amongst religions in America.

    The federal judge was correct to pause this ballot measure, otherwise our system would suffer from the tyranny of the masses. I expect the federal court system to eventually rule it unconstitutional. Judging from the Anti-Defamation League’s recent press release here in Dallas, other religious minorities who’ve practiced their own religious laws under the supervision of our civil court system’s arbitration and mediation framework have rightly begun to speak out condemning the xenophobia behind this measure.

    KATIE SHERROD, Independent writer/producer, Fort Worth

    Yes, Oklahoma is out of line. It doesn’t matter whether 30,000 or three Muslims live in Oklahoma. This law not only is based in sheer unadulterated fear-mongering, but it also blatantly violates our constitutionally guaranteed freedom of religion, in that it singles out only sharia law, not all religious codes. And if it is extended to all religious codes to make it meet the constitutional test, would it outlaw reference to the Ten Commandments?

    The unintended consequences of outlawing any reference to international law haven’t begun to be explored. What would this law do to contracts Oklahoma-based oil companies have with those based in other countries? Or to any international corporation that might consider moving its headquarters to Oklahoma? One legal scholar suggested it might also outlaw references to English common law, upon which much of our own legal code is based.

    The xenophobia apparent in all this would be frightening if it weren’t so clear that this is all rank political posturing by Republican conservatives who want to impose their own narrow fundamentalist world view on the rest of us. The irony is that their actions are in line with those of religious fundamentalists around the world, including the Islamic fundamentalists they claim to fear the most.

    Thank God for prudent judges. But of course, such judges also are targets of the right-wing Republicans, who define an “activist” judge as one who disagrees with them.

    JOE CLIFFORD, Pastor, Head of Staff, First Presbyterian Church of Dallas

    Demagoguery is defined as “the practice of a leader who obtains power by means of impassioned appeals to the emotions and prejudices of the populace.” Oklahoma Rep. Rex Duncan’s proposed measure is a great example of this practice. When it was proposed, Sen. Anthony Sykes, a co-author, dubbed it the “Save Our State,” amendment saying, “Sharia law coming to the U.S. is a scary concept.” Given Muslims represent about a half of one percent of Oklahoma’s population, the chances of Sharia deciding court cases in Oklahoma are slim to none, and Slim just left town. As Joseph Thai, a professor at the University of Oklahoma College of law said, “It’s an answer in search of a problem.” Tragically it makes a segment of the population the problem, demonizing Muslims in order to mobilize votes. The district judge is doing her job by protecting a vulnerable minority from the tyranny of the majority. Leaders should cast vision that inspires, not manufacture threats to manipulate the masses.

    JAMES DENISON, Theologian-in-Residence, Baptist General Convention of Texas, President, Center for Informed Faith

    “Sharia” means “path” in Arabic. Sharia, or Islamic law, guides every aspect of Muslim life.

    Britain now allows Sharia tribunals governing marriage, divorce and inheritance. This is similar to Anglican and Jewish mediation in that country; criminal law remains under the existing legal system. Sharia-compliant banking is growing 15% a year in Europe as well. Since riba (charging or paying of interest) is banned under Islamic law, banks such as Citigroup, HSBC and Deutsche Bank are developing Islamic sectors. Sharia-compliant investments are also growing, avoiding transactions related to weapons, alcohol, tobacco, gambling, pornography and pork.

    I understand the Muslim desire to live under Islamic law. America, however, is governed by a secular constitution in which the word “God” nowhere appears. Unlike the U.K., we have no precedent for suspending our governance in favor of alternative religious authorities. To do so would violate the First Amendment’s instruction that “Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion.”

    It seems understandable, then, that Oklahoma’s voters would pass a referendum which “forbids courts from considering or using international law … or Sharia Law.” However, constitutional experts see problems with the wording of the new measure. They state that it could harm businesses which engage in international commerce and singles out one religion for exclusion.

    Whatever comes of the legal battles to be waged in Oklahoma, it is clear to me that “a free church in a free state” is the American ideal. The Founders wanted a country where people of all faiths and those of none could follow their religious beliefs without government entanglement. Jesus taught the same: “Give to Caesar what is Caesar’s, and to God what is God’s” (Matthew 22:21).

    MIKE GHOUSE, President, Foundation for Pluralism, Dallas

    The Oklahoma referendum on Sharia is simply gratuitous and one of the best examples of politicians duping the public.

    Getting the public to be riled up against something that ain’t there is the ploy the politicians have been using. Many a times they succeed and the responsibility falls on our shoulders to wake the public up to such abuses.

    The reason the Oklahoma law is gratuitous is because Muslims in America value the laws of our nation. They strongly feel that the American laws serve the very justice they seek, and they do not seek or ask for sharia law in America. Even if a few ask for it, statistically they are insignificant.

    WILLIAM LAWRENCE, Dean, Professor of American Church History, Perkins School of Theology, Southern Methodist University

    To the extent that Shaira is understood as religious law for adherents to Islam, the Oklahoma amendment appears strangely irrelevant on the one hand and oddly threatening on the other. It is clear that religious law does not triumph over civil or criminal law, let alone the Constitution, in the United States. Some practitioner of a religion that mandates obedience to Leviticus, for example, could insist on the religious right to practice slavery, but no such thing would be permissible under the U.S. Constitution or laws. A quasi-Mormon sect operated its own cult, but eventually had to surrender to the reality that its endorsements of polygamy and marriages of male adults to female adolescents were unlawful. The Oklahoma amendment is irrelevant because religious law (in this case, sharia) cannot supplant civil or criminal law.

    However, to suggest that a court could not consider Islamic law is actually a threatening proposition for all religions. Roman Catholic Canon Law clearly specifies that only men can be ordained priests. But, if a court in the United States were presented with a sexual discrimination complaint from someone who wanted to be ordained to the priesthood but was barred from it by her gender, the court would have to “consider” the Canon Law of the church–since membership in the Roman Catholic Church is strictly voluntary and anyone who becomes a Catholic knows (or should know) that ordination is reserved for men.

    The same gender “discrimination” likewise is practiced in most Baptist congregations, so a court must “consider” Baptist polity when dealing with a complaint about gender discrimination in the hiring of a pastor. Some Americans, apparently including a significant majority of voters in Oklahoma recently, allow their prejudices against Muslims and their ignorance of Islam to take precedence over their knowledge of American justice and freedom.

    The judge is correct. The majority of the voters in Oklahoma were wrong. In a democracy, a majority may win an election and still be wrong!

    GEORGE MASON, Senior Pastor, Wilshire Baptist Church, Dallas

    Aside from the Constitutional question of whether the vote was legal, or even the matter of whether it is culturally wise to make laws preemptively to protect against the influence of international or sharia law in Oklahoma courts, a larger religious question must be posed: When in the history of the world has a religious aim been permanently advanced by the use of secular law? Religion by its nature requires that people be persuaded of its truth. Any time legal measures are employed to secure its privilege, the coercion inherent in such an approach undermines the persuasion of people’s hearts and minds. A battle may be won, but the war will be lost because it is being fought on the wrong field.

    It doesn’t take much insight to see that fear of the loss of Christian social hegemony is being used by politicians to advance their own ends. Any time religion is used for personal or political advantage, it both denigrates that religion and diminishes the richness of our diverse public life.

    LARRY BETHUNE, Senior Pastor, University Baptist Church, Austin

    I am no expert in jurisprudence, which I will leave to the lawyers. But the Oklahoma amendment has the feel of fear-based political grandstanding designed to score points with constituents rather than respond to a genuine danger. Has Oklahoma had a single incident of a judge basing decisions on Sharia? Is the U.S. constitutional separation of religion and state insufficient to cover that contingency?

    I have to agree with Mr. Awad that the amendment transforms the state constitution into an “enduring condemnation of Islam,” the background of which is religious (predominantly Christian) bigotry. Like Christianity, Islam is an ancient and diverse faith tradition. It is as unjust to judge all Muslims on the beliefs and actions of extremist Muslims as it would be to judge all Christians on the beliefs and actions of the KKK.

    When will we learn that protecting the religious freedom of minority faiths protects our own religious freedom? The continuing anti-Islamic rhetoric betrays the spirit of American democracy, endangers the lives of Americans abroad (especially our military), oppresses peace-loving American Muslims, and feeds the lie of terrorists seeking to frame our war on terrorism as a cosmic war between Christianity and Islam. Shall we base our laws on fear and ignorance or intelligence and truth?

    TEXAS FAITH: Was Oklahoma out of line with Sharia amendment? 3:15 PM Tue, Nov 16, 2010 |Sam Hodges/Reporter

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    Islam in New Zealand book launch, 2007

    US: Sharia Law commands 'conformance to law of the land'

    Islam in New Zealand book launch, 2007

    Image via Wikipedia

    The man behind a lawsuit seeking to overturn a controversial ballot measure has a passion for the law and his Islamic faith.

    Muneer Awad, executive director of the Oklahoma chapter on the Council for American-Islamic Relations, filed suit last week in federal court to overturn State Question 755. The measure bans state courts from the use of Sharia and international law in deciding cases. It passed Nov. 2 with slightly more than 70 percent of the vote.
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    Sharia law is not used in state courts, but supporters said SQ 755 was needed as a preventive measure.

    U.S. District Judge Vicki Miles-LaGrange granted a temporary restraining order putting implementation on hold. A hearing for an injunction is set for Nov. 22.

    Awad, who has been on the job with the council’s Oklahoma chapter since Oct. 14, said Sharia law could never replace federal or state laws.

    Adoption of a constitutional amendment referencing Sharia law voices the state’s official disapproval and condemnation of Islam, he said.

    “And that raises constitutional issues on its own with respect to the government being able to approve or disapprove of religion,” Awad said. “It involves my standing as a Muslim in the political community.”

    When news of the lawsuit spread, his organization got a lot of hate mail, but it has also received encouragement, Awad said.

    “Our organization has gotten more donations from non-Muslims in the past week than we have from Muslims,” he said. “This has really been a sign of Oklahomans, I think, realizing that no matter what disagreement we have here, there is still a need to remain rational and let the courts consider what is being presented.”

    Daily guidance
    Sharia law is guidance for Muslims on how to practice and interpret their faith in daily interactions and in society, Awad said.

    “It touches on things that are even beyond law,” he said. “Simply me refraining from eating pork is part of following Sharia. Me not drinking alcohol is part of following Sharia. Me marrying is part of Sharia. So, Sharia encompasses so many things beyond the law.”

    He said Sharia changes and is not applied the same in all countries.

    “One of the main aspects of Sharia is abiding by the law of the land,” Awad said. “As a Muslim, I am mandated to abide by the law of the land I live in.”

    He said it is disingenuous for critics to point to how Sharia is followed in other countries. While polygamy is permissible in his faith, it is not legal in the United States, he said.

    Awad said politicians are profiting from the fear of Islam.

    “I know this element of hate is definitely a fringe element,” he said. “So, I don’t actually live my life in fear of someone attacking me or misunderstanding me.” Muslim explains faith’s Sharia law BY BARBARA HOBEROCK – Tulsa World
    Published: November 14, 2010

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    Gandhi with Maulana Azad and Acharya Kripalani...

    Was Abul Kalam Azad an Ahmedi?

    Gandhi with Maulana Azad and Acharya Kripalani...
    Gandhi with Maulana Azad and Acharya Kripalani 1942 Wikipedia

    Maulana Abul Kalam Azad was once drawn by a correspondent of the daily Zamindar [16 June, 1936] of Lahore into the controversy as to the nature of the claims of the Founder of the Ahmadiyyah Movement and the rights of the Ahmadiyya communities to claim a position within Islam. Both these matters were set at rest by the Maulana in the very first passage of his first letter to the said correspondent thus:

    “You enquire which one of the two Ahmadi groups follows the true path, the Qadian group or the Lahore one. In my opinion neither is on the true and right path, but the Qadian section has gone too far in its ghuluww, so far that the very fundamentals of Islam have been shaken; for instance, its belief that for faith and salvation the known and admitted doctrines of Islam are not now sufficient and that it is essential to believe in the Mirza Sahib of Qadian. But the Lahore group denies this ghuluww; it neither confesses a faith in the prophethood of the Mirza Sahib nor does it add any new condition to the conditions of faith; where it has stumbled is in the misplaced belief which it has created for the Mirza Sahib.”

    In this passage Maulana Abul Kalam has made clear the three points: 1. The position which the Mirza Sahib claimed for himself, 2. Whether the Qadian group is outside or within the pale of Islam, and 3. The position of the Lahore group.

    Let us consider first the position of the Mirza Sahib in the light of what the Maulana has said. In ascribing ghuluww to the Qadianis, the Maulana has in fact made it clear that the Mirza Sahib never claimed prophethood for himself, for a ghali is one who ascribes a position to its leader higher than that which he claims for himself. For example, the Christians are guilty of ghuluww when they ascribe to Jesus Christ a claim to Godhead because he never claimed Godhead for himself. Hence the Qadianis can be said to be guilty of ghuluww only if they ascribe to Mirza Sahib a claim which he never made for himself.

    The above conclusion drawn from Maulana Abul Kalam’s letter is further corroborated by two of his earlier writings on the subject. The first of these is a passage which occurs in the Maulana’s well-known book the Tadhkirah published in 1919. Writing about Sayyid Muhammad of Jaunpur who claimed to be the Mahdi, the Maulana says:
    ”The affair of the Sayyid of whom we are speaking is full of wonder, and various sorts of claims and absurd sayings have been attributed to him. What the followers of a person say need not be paid attention to, for whomever a people take for their religious leader they would raise him to no less a dignity than that of God-bead, and if they are very careful they would not keep him below the position of a prophet. But some recent writers have written things which at first sight cause perturbance. Shah Abdul Haq, the Muhaddath of Delhi, writes:
    ‘According to Sayyid Muhammad of Jaunpur, every perfection possessed by the Holy Prophet Muhammad was also possessed by Sayyid Muhammad, the only difference being that there it was in asalat (possessed originally) and here it was by tab’iyyat (attained by following), and by following the Holy Prophet he attained to such a place that he became like a prophet.’

    “Reading these words of Shah Sahib, it occurred to me that in our own days a big section of the followers of the Mirza Sahib of Qadian entertains an exactly similar belief about the Mirza Sahib and lays the foundation of all its ghuluww (exceeding the bounds) and ighraq (exaggeration) on this difference of asalat (possessing originally) and tabe’ijyat (attaining by following)” (pp. 30, 31).

    Here the Maulana states that the followers of Sayyid Muhammad and a great section of the followers of the Mirza Sahib have fallen into the same error and have been guilty of exaggerating the claims of their respective leaders. Evidently he is referring here to the Qadianis and considers them to be guilty of ghuluww, i.e., exaggerating the claims of the Mirza Sahib and attributing to him what he never claimed. Thus attributing the claim of prophethood to Mirza Sahib is ghuluww on the part of the Qadianis; in other words, the Mirza Sahib did not claim to
    prophethood.

    As regards the second writing of the Maulana which exonerates the Mirza Sahib of laying claim to prophethood, it is really a fatwa given by him when extracts dealing with the alleged claim to prophethood taken from his different writings were placed before the Maulana. These extracts were sent to him by me personally, and he returned those papers with the following words: “He is a mu’awwil (one who explains a word as conveying a significance quite different from its ordinary significance) and a mu’awwil is by unanimous decision not a kafir.” [I am writing this from memory and the originals in my papers at Lahore. But there is not the least doubt in my mind as to the words quoted being in their essence those of the Maulana.]

    This shows that after reading all the writings of the Mirza Sahib on the question of his alleged claim to prophethood, Maulana Abul Kalam came to the conclusion that he never laid claim to prophethood and explained his use of the word prophet as conveying a different significance from the usually received one.

    Thus Maulana’s letters to the correspondent of the Zamindar settle at least one question, viz. that the Mirza Sahib was not a claimant to prophethood and that he was a Muslim and not a kafir.

    We will now take the second question whether the Maulana looks upon the Qadianis as Muslims or kafirs. The Maulana considers them to be guilty of ghuluww (exaggeration and exceeding the proper limits), but at the same time he considers them to be Muslims — Muslims who have strayed away from the right path. That is all that one Muslim can say about another. Their error is very great, and it shakes the very foundations of Islam, says the Maulana, but he has not been carried away by the senseless agitation to expel this or that group from the pale of Islam. It is the Holy Prophet’s verdict that they are Muslims — yes erring Muslims — but Muslims all the same. For, does not the Holy Prophet say: “Whoever says prayers as we do, and faces our Qibla and eats our dhabiha, that one is surely a Muslim and for him is the covenant of Allah and the covenant of the Apostle of Allah, so do not violate the covenant of Allah” (Bukhari, 8: 28).

    And on a certain occasion when a man abused the Holy Prophet in his face, and the Holy Prophet would not suffer any harm be done to him because, he said, “perhaps he said prayers,” Khalid remarked: “How many people there are who say prayers, yet there is on their lips what is not in their hearts.” But the Holy Prophet rebuked him, saying: “I am not commanded to pierce the hearts of the people or to break open their secret thoughts” (Bukhari, 65: 63).

    The Maulana is thus a noble exception to the ‘ulama of the present day who care neither for the Holy Qur’an which says: “And say not to any one who offers you the (Islamic) salutation: Thou art not a believer” (4: 94); nor yet for the Holy Prophet who clearly commanded that the covenant of God shall not be broken by calling a man kafir who said prayers as the Muslims do. The Qadianis are undoubtedly shaking the very foundations of Islam by attributing prophethood to the Mujaddid of this century and by denouncing four hundred million Muslims as kafirs because they do not believe in the prophethood of the Mirza Sahib, but with all those grievous errors they are Muslims, just as the Shias are Muslims though they abuse the companions of the Holy Prophet and denounce them as usurpers and just as so many other extremist sects are Muslims though they raise their leaders to the dignity of Godhead or the dignity of prophethood.

    I now come to the third question: the Lahore section of the followers of Hazrat Mirza Ghulam Ahmad of Qadian, or the Ahmadis as they are now generally called as distinguished from the Qadianis. Maulana Abul Kalam has, here too, set at rest one question, viz., that the Ahmadis do not believe in the prophethood of the Mirza Sahib, nor do they add any condition to the accepted conditions of the faith of Islam. This clearing of the position of the Ahmadis in Islam is also an important contribution to sane criticism in the Muslim camp, for sanity is a gift which is so rare among the ulama, even among the general Muslim public, when they have to deal with Ahmadis, Once, Mufti Kifayatullah, the head of the Jami’at-ul-Ulama of Delhi, committed the mad act of denouncing the Lahore Ahmadis as kafirs because, he said, “they believed in the prophethood of Mirza Sahib,” and this in spite of the fact that we have been carrying on an incessant war against the Qadianis regarding their belief in the prophethood of the Mirza Sahib and their denunciation of the forty crores [400,000,000]of Muslims as kafirs.

    While I am sincerely thankful to Maulana Abul Kalam for definitely and clearly upholding the truth in these three matters, that the Mirza Sahib never claimed to be a prophet, that the Qadianis in spite of their grievous errors are Muslims, and that the Ahmadis deny the prophethood of the Mirza Sahib and accept him only as a Mujaddid, adding nothing to the accepted doctrines of the faith of Islam, I must say that the Maulana has not done justice to us. He has every right to say that we are not on the true path, for to differ with others is the Muslim’s birthright; the Maulana has a right to differ with us and we have a right to differ with the Maulana. But when he says that we have ”stumbled” in a “misplaced belief which we have created for the Mirza Sahib,” he is unjust to us. We have created no belief for the Mirza Sahib except only what the Qur’an and the Hadith say. For what is our belief regarding Mirza Sahib? We accept him as a Mujaddid and we accept him as fulfilling the prophecies relating to the advent of the Messiah among the Muslims. And the coming of Mujaddids and the advent of a Messiah are both based on Hadith.

    As regards the first point, the Maulana was undoubtedly misunderstood as denying the coming of Mujaddids when his two letters to the correspondent of the Zamindar appeared in the press. But the writer of Tadhkirah who describes the Mujaddid is the centre of all hope in the triumph of Islam could not deny the coming of Mujaddids. His words were surely strong, but he has tried to explain them away in a later statement, and whether we accept or reject his explanation, we have no tight to ascribe to him denial of the coming of Mujaddids now that be has reaffirmed his faith in their advent in very clear words. His real views on this point are met with in his famous writing, the Tadhkirah:
    “These perfect ones are given the name of muhaddath in the hadith of Bukhari, and in them, too, is fulfilled the hadith relating to the appearance of Mujaddid, which has been narrated through various channels, and about its genuineness, therefore no doubt can be entertained” (p. 94).

    “And these are the clear and manifest characteristics of the place of tajdid (the position of the Mujaddid), the vicegerency of prophethood, about which I have again and again said that the highest of heads must bow there” (p. 140).

    Now when it is accepted that Mujaddids must come, and the Hadith says that the commencement of every century of Hijrah shall see the appearance of a Mujaddid, I fail to see how our belief about the Mirza Sahib being a Mujaddid of the fourteenth century is “misplaced” when there is no one to claim that office, nor has any one else been unanimously accepted as the Mujaddid. In accepting Hazrat Mirza Ghulam Ahmad as the Mujaddid of the fourteenth century we have bowed only before the Hadith of the Holy Prophet. One of the two positions must be accepted; cither the hadith relating to the appearance of the Mujaddid is not genuine, which view is however strongly rejected by Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, or Hazrat Mirza Ghulam Ahmad is the Mujaddid of the 14th century, for there is neither another claimant nor has the Muslim world unanimously declared another man to be the Mujaddid of this century.

    Now there remains only one point. Have we created any new belief in accepting the Founder of the Ahmadiyyah Movement as the Messiah that was to come among the Muslims? Happily Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, whose letters in the Zamindar raised apprehensions in some minds that he was denying the hadith referring to the advent of Messiah, has cleared his position in a later statement, and we are glad that he accepts the hadith, I am further certain that, like us, the Maulana also believes in the death of Jesus Christ. Now the position is this: The Messiah must come as the Hadith says, but Jesus Christ cannot be that Messiah because he died long ago. There is then no escaping the conclusion that the Messiah that is to come among the Muslims must be a Mujaddid of this ummah. We accept Mirza Ghulam Ahmad to be that Mujaddid. We have created no new belief. Here again we bow our head before the Hadith of the Holy Prophet. What are our arguments for accepting him as such is a different question which cannot be discussed here. The Maulana has a right to say that Mirza Ghulam Ahmad is not the Mujaddid and the Messiah, and that we have made a mistake in fixing our choice, just as we have the right to say that the Maulana is making a mistake in rejecting him, but two conclusions are inevitable: There must be a Mujaddid of this century, and only a Mujaddid can be the Promised Messiah

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    Map of Oklahoma highlighting Oklahoma County

    Oklahoma is the most bigoted state of America

    Map of Oklahoma highlighting Oklahoma County
    Image via Wikipedia

    We recently read a poll about Okies. Since we lived in the state, it didn’t surprised us–not withstanding the fact that some our best friends are Okies.

    Oklahoma is probably the most racist state in the country which leaves Alabama in the dust. Oklahoma is that strange blend of Sooners and Boomers that has created a Cowboy culture that never got sophisticated like the culture Texas, nor did it mature to a cosmopolitan levels of South Carolina. Its economy is based on Oil, so the state had an early interaction with the Arabs. Logic would dictate that Oklahomans would by now become used to the Muslims–since a lot of Oklahoma companies do business in the Middle East.

    A large presence of Iranians at OU and OSU did not create the cultural understanding that would be expected from a greater interaction of peoples. The wild wild west Oklahomas in OKC, Norman and Tulsa are inundated with the “good ole farm boys” who keep Oklahoma behind and who are the worst bigots in the nation.

    A majority of Oklahomans believe that Islam is a violent religion that is far removed from Christianity, the most recent Oklahoma Poll found.

    The survey, taken before voters overwhelmingly approved a state question banning Islamic Shariah law from state courts, revealed that fewer than one-quarter of Oklahomans have a favorable opinion of Muslims.

    Fifty-eight percent said Islam is more likely than other religions to encourage violence, and 61 percent said Muslims don’t worship the same God as Christians.

    More than half agreed that Muslims should have the same rights as others to build houses of worship in local communities. However, 36 percent said local communities should have the right to prevent construction of houses of worship if they do not want them.

    Okies have been unable to break themselves from a time warp f the fifties, and think that America should return to those days.

    The state’s bigotry keep OK businesses out of the Middle East, and the latest spat will hurt Okies more.

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    Iqbal in 1899

    Iqbal: The Greatest Muslim philosopher

    Iqbal in 1899
    Image via Wikipedia
    • Sadi had cried over the destruction of Baghdad
    • Ibn-Badrun on the despoliation of Granada, and Dagh on the sack of Delhi.
    • Iqbal would now lament the desolation of Sicily. And he would do it as movingly, and as magnificently, as these three great bards.
    • With the years, Iqbal’s poems increasingly reflected the troubles of the Muslim world; they also mirrored the agitated mood of the Indo-Pakistani Muslims over these troubles. Perhaps, nothing reflected his new spiritual orientation as his famous Tarana-i-Milli (Islamic Anthem), and his soul-stirring poem on Trablas (Algeria).

    Men like Iqbal are born, but in centuries. Indeed, Iqbal was the foremost Muslim philosopher of the 20th century. To quote Amir Shakib Arsalan, the world of Islam has not thrown up a thinker of his calibre during the last few centuries.

    Born in 1977 in an intensely religious family of Kashmiri stock at Sialkot, Iqbal had ample opportunities to assimilate both eastern and western thought. His formal education included a study of Arabic, English literature and philosophy, besides social sciences. His quest for knowledge took him to Europe where he also became familiar with the groundwork of Western civilisation and with the current Western philosophic thought. He also taught philosophy for some years, and later earned his living through practice.
    Iqbal made his debut as a rising poet in 1899, when he recited the Nala-i-Yatim (The Cry of the Orphan) at the annual session of Anjuman-i-Himayat-i-Islam, Lahore.

    In the first phase of his poetic career, Iqbal was potently influenced by sufistic, romanticist and nationalist ideas. First, he sang of the mina (goblet) and saqi (wine-bearer) in the traditional style and in traditional forms. Second, he tried to introduce into Urdu the romanticist traditions of Wordsworth, Coleridge and Cowper and wrote on subjects concerning nature. Third, writing under a patriotic urge, he became the advocate of the emergent Indian nationalism. To this period belongs the Tarana-i-Hindi (The Indian Anthem), which according to Iqbal Singh “remains to this day the best patriotic poem in modern times.”

    Iqbal considered the role of the poet in a nation the same as that of the eyes in the human body. “The eye cries if any limb is hurt; what a friend of the whole body it is!” he said once. And Iqbal wept at the calamities besieging India, mirrored his people’s troubles and translated their moods in his poems. He, thus, became not merely a champion of Indian nationalism. More important, he became a critique of life and existing conditions. He, thus, came to be hailed as the “National Poet of India”.

    His studies and sojourn in Europe opened new vistas for him, enabling him to turn his back upon his previous orientation. First, his study of the development of metaphysics in Persia, the topic of his doctoral dissertation at Munich, showed him that tasuwwuf (mysticism) had no place in Islam. Sufism preached a life of negation: a passive, in place of an active life, resignation in place of endeavour. And Iqbal, now influenced by European thought, was all for endeavour, initiative and action.

    Second, certain aspects of European life had a tremendous impact upon his sensitive and brilliant mind. He joyously admired the tremendous vitality and creativity of European life, the initiative, inquisitiveness, and confident restlessness of the people everywhere, to make the world better all the while. He also readily realised the tremendous possibilities before man, possibilities opened up by science, possibilities which were nevertheless undreamt of by people in his own country.

    But he also found that undiluted capitalism, aggressive nationalism and blind racialism, prevalent in Europe, had undermined the very foundations of Western civilisation. He therefore, sounded a not of warning six years before the outbreak of the First World War:

    O, dwellers of the cities of the West,
    And that which you regard as true coin,
    Will prove to be only a counterfeit.

    Thus, while, on the one hand, he admired the West for its initiative and spectacular progress, he became, on the other, extremely disgusted with the European concepts of capitalism, nationalism and racialism, which divided mankind and encouraged endless competition and jealousy between nation and nation, race and race, and individual and individual. What, then, was the answer?

    To Iqbal, Islam was the only answer. More than anything else, Islam envisaged a world brotherhood that cuts across racial, national and class affiliations. A brotherhood, which was not merely preached from the pulpit, but was also practised in daily life.

    During early Islam, Umar, a proud Quraysh, Bilal, a freed Negro slave, and Salman, an Iranian, had stood on an equal footing, no matter what their race, colour, language, or country of origin. Islam also preached a sort of socialism – the greatest good of the greatest number. Its various injunctions worked towards levelling down, rather than exacerbating, economic inequalities. No wonder Iqbal came to embrace the Islamic ideal.

    Thus, Iqbal, who had left India in 1905 as a nationalism and pantheist, returned to it in 1908 completely transformed: as a pan-Islamist and almost a puritan. Not that he loved India any the less, but that he now loved Islam and its ideals more. Albert Schiller had once proclaimed: “I write as a citizen of the world who serves no prince. I lost my fatherland to exchange it for the great world. What is the greatest of nations, but a fragment?” Such was Iqbal’s mood in his post European year.

    The Prophet (PBUH) had once said: “The whole of this earth is a mosque (unto me).” Iqbal would now say: “Every country is our country because it is the country of our God.” The fatherland to which he now owned supreme allegiance was the Muslim world – the vast belt that stretches from Morocco to Indonesia and far beyond.

    Iqbal took upon himself, to quote Dr Nafisy, the learned Iranian intellectual, the immense task of a poet-prophet. His poems now shifted ground to keep in line with his thinking; he now sang the glories of Islam and Muslims.
    The first poem reflecting this stage of Iqbal’s intellectual and spiritual development was on Sicily. When the ship carrying Iqbal back to India passed near Sicily, the sight of the island reminded Iqbal of its glorious past under the Arab, and he broke out into a touching elegy. Sadi had cried over the destruction of Baghdad, Ibn-Badrun on the despoliation of Granada, and Dagh on the sack of Delhi. Iqbal would now lament the desolation of Sicily. And he would do it as movingly, and as magnificently, as these three great bards.

    With the years, Iqbal’s poems increasingly reflected the troubles of the Muslim world; they also mirrored the agitated mood of the Indo-Pakistani Muslims over these troubles. Perhaps, nothing reflected his new spiritual orientation as his famous Tarana-i-Milli (Islamic Anthem), and his soul-stirring poem on Trablas (Algeria).

    Iqbal wanted the Muslims and the people of the East to come into their own. He felt that warmth had disappeared from the soul of the East: “It knows not what is the task of living.” Addressing the East, he adds: “I found the lands lacking in the spirit of life. I breathed my own spirit into thee.”
    Simultaneously, Iqbal stirred the Indian Muslims to their depths and to new consciousness of their inherent potentialities. Not only did he fill them with his own dynamism and faith, but he also envisioned for them a new horizon – a new destiny. And that was the concept of a Muslim homeland in the subcontinent.

    Iqbal’s claim to be the foremost Muslim philosopher of the present age rests chiefly on his Reconstruction of Religious Thoughts in Islam (1930) wherein he tried “to rethink the whole system of Islam without completely breaking away with the past.” Actually, in these lectures, he tried to do what St Augustine had done for Catholicism several centuries ago.
    His significance as a poet and thinker apart, Iqbal was also the ideologue of Pakistan. Even to this day, his presidential address to the Allahabad (1930) League stands out, as the foremost intellectual justification for the Pakistan demand.

    To sum up, then, Iqbal is the foremost thinker in the modern world of Islam, who attempted a reorientation of Islam in the light of modern philosophical concepts. As a poet, he attained perfection in the two aspects of a poet – the prophetic and the artistic. And, lastly, as a seer, he gave a new destiny to his people. The great Muslim philosopher
    By Prof Sharif Al-mujahid | Published: November 9, 2010

    The writer is an academic.
    A form of madness
    M. ABUL FAZL

    The ancient Greeks thought carnal love a form of madness. Maybe they were right. The Austrian poet, Rilke, says: “Every woman who passes by me leaves me with the feeling that she can give me infinite happiness.” The great German lyricist, Heinrich Heine, writes:
    Avant que s’eteigne ma vie,
    Avant que mon coeur ne defaille,
    Je voudrais, une fois encore,
    Briguer les faveurs d’une femme.
    And ends many lines later:
    Ah; connaitre encore une fois,
    L’amour, le bonheur sans vacarme.
    (I give the French translation because I did not find the English one. So this was the nearest I could get to the original, although poetry is, of course, untranslatable.)
    Roughly, the above quoted lines would be:
    “Before my life gives out,
    Before my heart ceases to beat,
    I would want one more time,
    To solicit the favours of a woman.”
    And:
    “Ah to know once more,
    The love, the happiness without fuss.”
    Ghalib is more sedate:
    Nahin nigar ko ulfat na ho, nigar to hai,
    Ravani-e-ravish-o-masty-e-ada kahye.
    Sufi Tabassum has explained these lines as: “Even though she does not respond to your love, you should still admire the qualities which make her so seductive, like her gait, her coquetterie.”

    What a difference. Both the poets of bourgeois Europe, quoted above, live in a society conditioned by property and its exigencies. But, within those bounds, they express freely their desire for warmth, for that happiness, which only a woman can give. But the South Asian poet is reconciled to the fact that the woman he is attracted to is out of his reach or will presumably respond to his ardour only, if there is prospect of marriage.

    It was this unattainability, which not only made the woman more attractive, but also added to the man’s desire. However, it had also attached guilt to the normal sexual feelings, though one imagines our Semitic heritage of original sin made any sex inseparable from sin anyway. They came intertwined.
    For example, Mir, when a teenager, was living in Delhi with his stepmother’s brother. There he had a love affair with the niece of his host. When it was discovered, the step-uncle threw him out of the house. What they did to the girl is not known, though, apparently, it was nothing drastic. Now, it did not occur to anyone, or if it did, it was forgotten, that the haramsara (women’s quarters) of those days were heavily populated with near and far relatives and maid servants of various grades. Mir could not possibly have entered it without being spotted. The girl must herself have made her way into his room, in fact, taken the initiative, the first time, to do so. The French philosopher, Michel Henry, put it well: “To exclude from the universe the sensitive qualities is to exclude sensitivity itself and, with it, all that is subjective and, thus, the life itself.” The great Muslim philosopher
    By Prof Sharif Al-mujahid | Published: November 9, 2010. The writer is a retired ambassador.

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