Bodoland is an area located in the north bank of Brahmaputra river in the state of Assam in north east region of India, by the foothills of Bhutan and Arunachal Pradesh; inhabited predominantly by Bodo language speaking ethnic group. Currently the hypothetical map of Bodoland includes the Bodoland Territorial Areas District (BTAD) administered by the non-autonomous Bodoland Territorial Council (BTC). The map of Bodoland overlaps with the districts of Kokrajhar, Baksa, Chirang and Udalguri in the state of Assam. At present, Kokrajhar serves as the capital of Bodoland.

The National Democratice Front of Bodoland (NDFB)

The National Democratice Front of Bodoland (NDFB) was formed in 1988. The original name of the group was the Bodo Security Force (BSF). The Bodos, a primitive tribe who are mostly either Hindus or Christians, account for about 10 percent of Assam’s 26 million people and live in the western and northern parts of the state.

Bodoland doesn't want to be part of India. The four districts of Bodoland- Kokrajhar, Chirang, Baksa and Udalguri runs all along the borders of the Bhutan Himalayan foothills. This green area with unmatched biodiversity is a part of Dooars (Duars), which is a continuous stretch of forests both in West Bengal and Assam. Quoting a historical document, ‘Duars, a narrow tract of country extending along the foot of the lower range of the Himalayan mountains that separated British territory from Bhutan proper, rapidly wore down the goodwill established between the two countries by 18 century British trading mission. These developments led to the Duar War of 1864, during which the British forcibly annexed the eighteen Duars.’

Demand for a Homeland, called Bodoland

The early history of Bodos is largely unknown. By definition, Bodos do not display tribalistic culture or rituals in that they do not live in caves or jungles or go hunting wild animals. For centuries majority Bodos remained as farmers, cultivators, and peace loving society. Like many cultures in the world today, Bodos are also ethnocentric or nationalist society. Cultural assimilation with Assamese was not productive. In brief, before the British Raj, Bodo-kachari Kingdom may have included a vast area extending far and beyond Assam, a small province in the North-East India. History suggest that Dimapur was the capital of Bodo-Kachari kingdom (Dimasa Kachari kingdom and not Bodo Kachari Kingdom). The British-India colonial rulers effectively adapted divide and rule policy for over 300 years. It is likely that Bodo-Kachari were lagging behind their fellow Indians in terms of education and employability. Since the time of British Raj, Assam is known to produce oil and natural gas, and Assam tea. Before independence (1947), North-East India was a remote place.

Compared to other parts of India, such as West Bengal and Maharastra, education came to North East India only after Indian independence in 1947. Even after India obtained independence, most administrative positions were filled by immigrants from West Bengal, East Bengal (now Bangladesh), and other parts of India. When India obtained independence, Bodos were not represented by within the government. Following Indian independence, the Bodos were given opportunity to take advantage of scheduled tribe (ST) status. This process lead to the creation of tribal belts and blocks, protected lands meant for farming and grazing, specifically for the Bodo people.

The NDFB is led by its chairman, Ranjan Daimary, also known as D.R. Nabla. The group was formed to attain a “sovereign Bodoland” in the region to the north of river Brahmaputra. In addition the group protests the current script of the Bodo language written in the Devnagri script. The NDFB is primarly comprised of Christians who prefer the Roman script. NDFB have committed scores of incidents of violence like murders, bomb explosions, kidnapping for ransom etc. which have had a serious bearing on the law and order situation of the state. According to the Union Home Ministry’s 1996-97 report, a total of 201 persons were killed in Assam between April 1996 and March 1997, 174 which were attributed to the NDFB.

Front Nacional Democratic Bodoland: Ranjan Daimary alias D R Nabla, president of the outlawed National Democratic Front of Bodoland (NDFB), said in a statement, "I would like to request the government of Bangladesh to extend helping hands in our struggle for freedom." Nabla added, "Particularly, I would like to request the security forces of Bangladesh not to harass or arrest our cadres and members when they sometimes cross to Bangladesh for their safety and security." The rebel leader turned nostalgic when he claimed, "Even my parents had adopted a destitute and hapless young Bangladeshi boy in 1972. His name was Quiddos Mia."

The region north and north-west of the Brahmaputra river is main area of operation of the NDFB. The NDFB is active in Assam’s Bongaigaon, Kokrajhar, Darrang, Barpeta, Dhubri, Nalbari and Sonitpur districts. The Manas National Park which crosses the Bhutan border is used by the group as a sanctionary, allowing the NDFB to cross the border into Bhutan.

The group is estimated to have 3500 members, mainly based in the Myanmar and and Bhutan regions, led by the NDFB ‘chairman’, Ranjan Daimary or “D R Nabla.”

NDFB receives its funding through the “Bhutanese diplomatic bag” to their leadership located in Southeast Asian capitals. The Chin National Liberation Army (CNLA), a militant outfit of Myanmar, is responsible for supplying arms and ammunition to the NDFB.

A yearlong cease-fire pact between the Indian government and a tribal separatist group in the northeastern Assam state began 01 June 2005 amid hopes of ending nearly two decades of violent insurgency in the region. The cease-fire with the outlawed National Democratic Front of Bodoland (NDFB) came into effect with the military calling off its operations against the group. The NDFB cadres will disarm and live in designated camps as per the truce pact. The Indian government and top NDFB leaders signed a cease-fire accord in New Delhi that was expected to bring the curtains down to a violent campaign for a homeland for the Bodo tribe in Assam that left thousands dead since 1986.

Ranjan Daimary alias D R Nabla, president of the outlawed National Democratic Front of Bodoland (NDFB), said in a statement, “I would like to request the government of Bangladesh to extend helping hands in our struggle for freedom.”

In a rare display of emotion by any separatist leader of his likes, Nabla said, “If our people have helped Bangladeshis on all counts for freedom … without questioning their legitimacy or whatsoever, it becomes an obligation for the people and the government of Bangladesh too to help us in our freedom struggle against India.”

Nabla added, “Particularly, I would like to request the security forces of Bangladesh not to harass or arrest our cadres and members when they sometimes cross to Bangladesh for their safety and security.” The rebel leader turned nostalgic when he claimed, “Even my parents had adopted a destitute and hapless young Bangladeshi boy in 1972. His name was Quiddos Mia.”

Like many other insurgent groups operating in the troubled region, the NDFB has been fighting for an independent homeland for the Bodo tribe of Assam since 1986 and the statement of Nabla coincided with the celebration of the NDFB’s 23 years of founding anniversary. Bangladesh turned into a theatreof covert war M. Shahidul Islam http://www.weeklyholiday.net/front.html#01

History

The Bodos, a major tribe in the State of Assam, have initiated their own form of insurgency to fight against the possession of their tribal land by Bengali settlers and the native Assamese, neglect of the Bodo language, and to express a sense of being exploited. The Bodos, being the earliest settlers in Assam, have cited economic and social neglect by the State government. The first Bodo organisation, the All Bodo Students ‘ Union (ABSU) was founded in 1967, and the Bodos started demanding a separate state within India towards the later half of the 1980s. In 1988, the National Democratic Front of Bodoland (NDFB) was founded, and it initiated guerrilla war. NDFB was originally established as the Bodo Security Force (BSF) in 1988 under the leadership of Ranjan Daimary. It was later renamed NDFB. 

Objectives

The purported objective of this outfit is to secure a “sovereign Bodoland” in the areas north of the river Brahmaputra. While the other Bodo groups, such as the Bodo Liberation Tigers (BLT), demanded a separate state within Indian territory for the Bodo people, the NDFB wants a separate country for itself. 

The other demand of the NDFB is regarding the script of the Bodo language. Currently the Bodo language is written in Devnagri script; NDFB, whose members are mostly Christians, prefer to use the Roman script.

Strategy

The NDFB was originally founded to protect the interests of the Bodos; but, over the years, this objective has been diluted, and it has joined hands with the ULFA (United Liberation front of Asom), which fights against the non-Assamese domination in the State. Presently, NDFB works in tandem with the ULFA. Sometime in 1999, the ULFA and NDFB formed a coordination committee for launching a united struggle. NDFB has also established a working arrangement with the National Socialist Council of Nagaland-Isak-Muivah (NSCN-IM), an insurgent outfit in neighbouring Nagaland. 

Their different objectives have put the NDFB at logger heads with other Bodo outfits such as the Bodo Liberation Tigers (BLT), All Bodo Student ‘s Union (ABSU) and the Bodo Sahitya Sabha (BSS). As the result of a decision taken on 10 January 2001 in Bhutan, the NDFB decided to target members of the BLT, BSS, ABSU, Bodo People Action Committee (BPAC), and the All Bodo Women ‘s Welfare Federation (ABWWF), for selective killing. 

The NDFB regularly indulges in acts of insurgency, targeting the symbols of governance and civilians. On 15 September 1998, NDFB insurgents killed fourteen Santhal adivasis (tribals) in Gossaigaon subdivision of Kokrajhar district. At least twelve security forces personnel were killed and ten others injured on 31 July 2000 when suspected NDFB militants triggered a powerful landmine explosion in a train near the Sonmohuri village in Kamrup district. On the next day, on 1 August 2000, NDFB terrorists exploded a bomb on a passenger train killing twelve and injuring several others near Tezpur. On 8 November 2000, eight civilians, including seven from the non-Assamese community were killed by suspected NDFB terrorists. On 25 November 2000, eight woodcutters were killed by NDFB terrorists in the Lung Sung forest reserve. On 21 December 2000 NDFB terrorists targeted Bhutan government vehicles, including a bus, killed two and injured sixteen others in Kokrajhar district. In Bongaigaon district, they set ablaze a Bhutanese police truck carrying rations to that country at Amlaiguri. In another in cident, the ultras set fire to a vehicle going to Bhutan.

In the year 2000, NDFB terrorists were responsible for the deaths of twenty-nine security force personnel and 176 civilians. In the same period, ninety-five NDFB cadres were killed, eighty-three were arrested and hundred surrendered to the authorities. 

It called for a boycott of the Republic Day celebration on 26 January 2001.

Dialogue with the Government

Except for occasional indications to initiate peace talks with the government, probably as a gesture to buy time to replenish its declining resources, the NDFB, unlike the Bodo Liberation Tigers Force (BLT), has still shown no real inclination for peace. 

On 3 April 2000, then Union Minister for Home Affairs, LK Advani, expressed the government’s readiness to enter into a dialogue process with the NDFB and ULFA, if they give up violence and agreed to negotiations within the framework of the Indian Constitution. Subsequently, some NDFB leaders met the Army’s 4-Corps Commander and expressed their desire to hold peace talks. The Army authorities also decided to provide safe passage to the NDFB leaders to attend the proposed meeting. In May 2000, the head of the counter-insurgency operations in Assam, Lt Gen DB Shekatkar, said that the NDFB had established direct contact with the army commanders for holding peace talks. In March 2001, the PDF demanded that the State government hold unconditional talks with the NDFB. However, this process has not moved beyond such expressions.

Command Structure

NDFB has an estimated strength of 1500 cadres. Its activity revolves around the dictates of its Chairman. It announces its programmes through its publicity secretary. The Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP) is believed to be the political front of the NDFB in the State.

External Linkages

On 21 January 2001, Bhutan indicated that it would take army action against the NDFB and ULFA if these outfits do not stop operating from its territory. In one such meeting in Punakha on 16 March 2001, the leaders resolved to safeguard the country’s sovereignty.

Local Support

The NDFB is active in the districts of Bongaigaon, Kokrajhar, Darrang, Barpeta, Dhubri and Sonitpur. It also uses the Manas National Park, an important biodiversity hotspot in South Asia, as a sanctuary.

To garner support, NDFB occasionally promotes high visibility social issues. In February 2001, there were media reports suggesting that the NDFB have set up signboards and banners in and around the Manas reserve forest areas in Assam to save valuable trees from being smuggled out of the region. 

Leadership

Ranjan Daimary is the Chairman of the outfit. Lieutenant B Irakdao is the outfit’s self styled publicity secretary.